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This “blood guilt” propelled in-your-face proselytizing by Witnesses in various communities on street corners and in door-to-door visits.Soon the sect developed a reputation for exhibiting “astonishing powers of annoyance,” as one legal commentator put it. He routinely encouraged public displays of contempt for “Satan’s world,” which included all other religions and all secular governments. S.—roughly 40,000—was so small that many Americans could ignore them.

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Some vigilantes interpreted the Supreme Court’s decision as a signal that Jehovah’s Witnesses were traitors who might be linked to a network of Nazi spies and saboteurs.

In Imperial, a town outside Pittsburgh, a mob descended on a small group of Witnesses and pummeled them mercilessly.

The reversal of Gobitis in Barnette just three years later was remarkably swift considering the typical pace of deliberations in the Supreme Court.

In the wake of all the violence against Witnesses, three Supreme Court justices—William O.

The relationship between Witnesses and the courts was complicated, in part because of the open disdain Rutherford and his followers displayed toward all forms of government and organized religion.

Rutherford instructed Witnesses not to vote, serve on juries or participate in other civic duties.

The Court rejected the Witnesses’ claim, holding that the secular interests of the school district in fostering patriotism were paramount.

In the majority opinion, written during the same month that France fell to the Nazis, Felix Frankfurter wrote: “National unity is the basis of national security.” The plaintiffs, said Frankfurter, were free to “fight out the wise use of legislative authority in the forum of public opinion and before legislative assemblies.” In a strongly worded dissent, Justice Harlan Stone argued that “constitutional guarantees or personal liberty are not always absolutes…but it is a long step, and one which I am unwilling to take, that government may, as a supposed educational measure…compel public affirmations which violate their public conscience.” Further, said Stone, the prospect of help for this “small and helpless minority” by the political process was so remote that Frankfurter had effectively “surrendered…the liberty of small minorities to the popular will.” Public reaction to Gobitis bordered on hysteria, colored by the hotly debated prospect of American participation in the war in Europe.

“One’s right to life, liberty and property, to free speech, a free press, freedom of worship and assembly, may not be submitted to vote….


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